Posts tonen met het label (collective) hallucination. Alle posts tonen
Posts tonen met het label (collective) hallucination. Alle posts tonen

dinsdag 20 oktober 2020

Wonderteeckenen van orloghe in de locht

5 Juli 1567

"Item op den 5 dach Julius, so werden ontrent den avont 2 sonnen gesien en vuel volckx hadden groote vrempdicheyt gesien in de locht; niet in de locht alle, maer sommige sagen de scaduwe op de eerde van ruyteren en knechten, die doer de locht trocken, en het was groote droochte en hitte.

Ende daer was meer fame van orloge dan ick scryve; den roep was, dat gelyck eenen mists subyt compt, dese landen souden overvallen worden van der vorsten weghen en uytgevluchte heeren; men hoort niet te scryven voer 't en gesciedt, maer om de groote fame dienet verhaelt. En nochtans en gesciede 't dit jaer niet, en nochtans maeckte het hof oft de regente eenen leger in 't landt van Litsenborch, en vergaderde daer vuel volcx; en hierdoer meynden vuele persoonen, dat er orloghe voerhanden was, en dat sy vreesden."

(Godevaert van Haecht, Kroniek over de troebelen van 1565 tot 1574 te Antwerpen en elders, editie 1929-1930, bezorgd en aangetekend door Rob van Roosbroeck, 2008, DBNL (digitale bibliotheek voor de Nederlandse letteren)

donderdag 1 december 2016

'T Wonder-boeck

David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck : waer in dat van der werldt aen versloten gheopenbaert is;
wie een der Ick (segt die Heere) senden sal, ontfangt in mynen naem, die ontfanght my;
wie my ontfanght, ontfanght den die my ghesonden heeft ...: oochghelouet moet hy sijn,
die als een ambassatoer gheconden komt...', Theodorus II de Borne, Deventer, 1542, coll.
Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent/Google Books Project

'T Wonder-boeck wordt als het hoofdwerk van Joris beschouwd. Hij geeft er onbeschroomd zijn ideeën in weer. Hij zegt uit Gods mond te spreken; ongeloof aan hem was die zonde tegen den Heilige Geest welke noch in deze eeuw noch in de toekomende vergeven zal worden. Hij alleen wist wat ter zaligheid nodig is; wie zich hoeden wilde voor het oordeel des Heeren, moest naar hem luisteren, zijn raad opvolgen.
Deze zelfverheffing maakt het begrijpelijk dat Joris zich de meest gewijde namen toe-eigende. Enkele voorbeelden van deze namen uit 't Wonderboeck zijn: 
evenbeeld Gods, gezalfde des Heeren, koning der gerechtigheid, geest des levens, hemelse Adam en verstand Gods."



De laatste Adam, David Jorisz., 1542,
gravure van de hand van de auteur zelf, gebruikt in 'T Wonder-boeck
"Volgens de Schrift is Jezus is de Tweede Mens, de Laatste Adam, het hoofd van een nieuw mensengeslacht."

"Its chief claim to recognition is its use, in the latter part, of the phrase Restitutio Christi, which apparently suggested to Servetus his title Christianismi Restitutio (1553). This concept of the 'Restitution' by the return of ALL the souls into the unity with Christ is probably the oldest presentation of the concept of the 'Reintegration' as described by de Pasqually in the 18th century. It is also the expression of the primitive Rosicrucian teachings, who were first manifested into the Protestant movement and part of the inner teachings of the Anabaptists. In the first edition is a figure of the 'new man', signed with the author's monogram, and probably drawn as a likeness of himself; it fairly corresponds with the alleged portrait, engraved in 1607, reproduced in the appendix to A. Ross's Pansebeia (1655)." (Kingsgarden)

A. Ross, Pansebeia, 1655


houtsnede van de hand van David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck, Theodorus II de Borne,
Deventer, 1542, coll. Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent/Google Books Project

't Wonder-boeck werd voor het eerst uitgegeven in 1542-1544 in Deventer door Theodorus II de Borne. "This first edition can be theologically located to his ideas during this important transitionary Antwerp period." (A certain measure of perfection, dd. 28/12/2016)
Het is geïllustreerd met 2 houtsneden die door de auteur (en eveneens beeldend kunstenaar), David Joris, gemaakt waren. Er wordt gespeeld zowel met de tekst zelf als met de ingevoerde gravures in die tekst.

tekstvaas, David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck, Theodorus II de Borne,
Deventer, 1542, coll. Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent/Google Books Project

David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck, Theodorus II de Borne,
Deventer, 1542, coll. Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent/Google Books Project

De Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent bezit een exemplaar van deze eerste editie (nr Theol 11)(barcode onleesbaar) en die werd in het kader van het Goole Books Project gedigitaliseerd.

De tweede editie dateert uit 1551, door "den auteur selve ghecorrigeert ende vermeerdert", en werd gedrukt door David Ketel (ook Deventer) die in 1554 daarvoor gestraft is met de dood. Alle uitgaven verschijnen anoniem om censuur en veroordeling tot de dood te ontlopen. De twee delen van de oorspronkelijke uitgave worden opgedeeld in totaal vier delen.


David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck : waer in dat van der werldt aen versloten gheopenbaert is;
wie een der Ick (segt die Heere) senden sal, ontfangt in mynen naem, die ontfanght my;
wie my ontfanght, ontfanght den die my ghesonden heeft ...: oochghelouet moet hy sijn,
die als een ambassatoer gheconden komt...', Dierck Mullem, Vianen, 1584 of 1595, coll.
Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent/Google Books Project

De derde en vierde edities dateren uit 1583-1584 en 1595 (bij beide edities is als jaar van uitgave 1551 vermeld), en werden gedrukt door Jan Canin van Dordrecht en Dierck Mullem in Vianen, nadat hij uit Rotterdam werd verbannen, en uitgegeven in opdracht van de minister Herman Herberts van Dordrecht.




David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck, Dierck Mullem, Vianen, 1584 of 1595, coll. Universiteitsbibliotheek 
Gent/Google Books Project, nr. 900000178230 (G. 6793) - gravure naar de houtsneden van de 
hand van David Joris zelf ?, zat niet in de eerste editie

Een exemplaar van deze editie, vermoedelijk uit 1584, bevindt zich in de Universiteitsbibliotheek van Gent: nr. 900000178230 (G. 6793) en is online te bekijken dankzij het Google Books Project.
Eén van de eigenaars van het boek noteerde vooraan in het boek: "het eerste boek in de Nederlanden gedrukt, in het welk figuren in koper gesneden werden." Hij vermeldt David Ketel (Deventer) als drukker van de 1551 editie, het jaartal dat ook op de titelpagina vermeld wordt.
Het boek bestaat uit vier delen in 1 vol. in-folio, ca. 400 p. en is inderdaad geïllustreerd met kopergravures in de tekst. Daarnaast zijn er talrijke, in detail uitgewerkte initialen én houtsneden. De drie houtsneden van de hand van David Joris zelf, zijn vervangen door kopergravures naar de originelen door o.a. Hieronymus Wierix (IRW)(twee van de drie zijn zo getekend).
De twee andere (eveneens door Google gedigitaliseerde) exemplaren van de Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent, nr. 900000187006 (Her. 633) en  G. 6796 (barcode onleesbaar) - dateren ook uit 1584.


David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck, Dierck Mullem, Vianen, 1584 of 1595, coll. Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent/Google Books Project, nr. 900000178230 (G. 6793) - gravure naar de houtsneden van de hand van David Joris zelf


De wijzende handjes in de marge verdwijnen.

David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck, Theodorus II de Borne,
Deventer, 1542, coll. Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent/Google Books Project

"Only the first edition contains engraved hands - each one different from the other. The different positions of the fingers of these hands are alledged to convey a mysterious coded message, whose significance has been lost." (Kingsgarden)


Invaluable vermeldt dat het Duitse lettertype werd vervangen door een Nederlands lettertype, maar dat geldt niet voor de boeken in de universiteitsbibliotheek UGent, misschien is dat nog een mogelijk verschil tussen de 1584 en de 1595 editie?



Exemplaar 900000178230 (G. 6793) bevat ook een portret door Van Sieghem van David Joris, "gezegd den Duyvel van Delft"


Totaalzicht:


een geveild exemplaar van David Joris, 'T Wonder-boeck, Dierck Mullem, Vianen, 1584 of 1595


De evolutie van de afbeeldingen:

De laatste Adam, David Jorisz., 1542,
gravure van de hand van de auteur zelf, gebruikt in 'T Wonder-boeck

De laatste Adam, Hieronymus Wierix (IRW), naar David Jorisz., 1584,
gravure gebruikt in 'T Wonder-boeck

De laatste Adam, Hieronymus Wierix (IRW), naar David Jorisz., 1584,
ingekleurde gravure gebruikt in 'T Wonder-boeck


De laatste Adam, Hieronymus Wierix, naar David Jorisz., 1583 - 1584,
gravure, h 241mm × b 163mm, Rijksmuseum RP-P-2002-292

(info o.a. uit Wikipedia  & Invaluable dd. 01/12/2016, deze laatste gebaseerd op de volgende bronnen: Van der Linde 58; Typ. Bat. 5644; Bainton, David Joris, p. 71-3; Cat. Mtschp. Ned. Letterk. I, p. 168; Machiels J 236; Valkema Blouw, 'Printers to the 'arch-heretic' David Joris. Prolegomena to a bibliography of his works', in: Quaerendo, 21 (1991), p. 163-209, esp. 192-6; only three copies in the NCC)

David Joris

  David Joris , Jan van Scorel (1495-1562), s.d., schilderij (tempera op paneel)89 x 68 cm, Kunstmuseum Basel (inv. 561)
[Licentie: Public domain Bijdragers: The Yorck Project:
10.000 Meisterwerke der Malerei DVD-ROM, 2002. ISBN 3936122202]

"David Joris (of Jorisz., zoon van Joris)(º wellicht Brugge, 1501 – ✝ Bazel, 28 augustus 1556) was een Delftse glasschilder die bekend werd als wederdoper en ketter. Er wordt algemeen aangenomen dat zijn moeder uit een Delftse familie kwam, terwijl zijn vader een Vlaamse koopman en rederijker was. Joris werd glasschilder [in 1522 he painted windows for the church at Enkhuizen, North Holland (Kingsgarden)] [after completing his training as a glazier in Antwerp, the young David Joris joined a group of Flemish craftsmen who left the city for Calais - then an English territory - where they were commissioned by a member of the court of Henry VIII to produce stained glass windows for a chapel. Joris further claims to have accompanied his colleagues onwards to London in 1522, although there he fell ill and eventually decided to return to Antwerp in 1524. As a stained glass painter, Joris’s work is close to that of Dirick Vellert of Antwerp, who may have been one of his teachers, as well as Barend van Orley (with whom Joris is thought to have travelled to Calais and London) and Pieter Coecke van Aelst. (Stephen Ongpin)]

David Joris (attributed to), Charity, from the Niklaus Chapel, St. Peter, Basel, ca. 1545


Hij werd tevens rederijker [ zijn naam 'David', genaamd naar de Joodse koning, zou hem zijn gegeven nadat zijn vader die rol gespeeld had in de Redrijkerskamer. Als handelaar reisde hij vanuit Antwerpen naar Frankrijk en Engeland. (Gameo, dd. 01/12/2016)][...]
Hij trouwde in Delft, waar "hij sympathiseerde met de beweging der sacramentariërs, lieden die de praesentia realis van bloed en vlees van Christus in het brood en de wijn van de mis verwierpen. In 1528 werd hij voor het bespotten van het sacrament gearresteerd en gevonnist. Zijn tong werd doorboord en hij werd voor drie jaar verbannen uit Holland. Tijdens de omzwervingen gedurende zijn ballingschap kwam Joris in aanraking met de dopers, ook wel wederdopers of anabaptisten genoemd. Hij liet zich in 1534, toen het banvonnis reeds was verlopen, opnieuw dopen. [...]
Hij waagde het [...] kritiek te uiten op de gangbare opinie onder de dopers dat het geoorloofd was de broeders in het belegerde Münster gewapenderhand te hulp te komen. [...] Joris was tegen het gebruik van geweld [...] [Terug in Delft] kreeg hij in december 1536 in zijn atelier enkele visioenen, waaruit hij concludeerde dat God wilde dat hij een grote rol ging vervullen. Deze visioenen vormden de basis voor zijn latere opvattingen. [...] Zijn idee dat hij door God gezonden was om de mens de juiste interpretatie van de Schrift te geven was [...] in 1539 geheel gerijpt. [Ook zijn volgers hadden visioenen die zich rond zijn figuur afspeelden (Gameo, dd. 01/12/2016)]
Volgens Joris leefde men in een eindtijd en hij deed aanzienlijke pogingen om zijn ideeën alom ingang te doen vinden. Het belangrijkste element in zijn leer was het idee dat de mens wedergeboren diende te worden. Deze wedergeboorte werd voor hem een tweede kruisdood, die men, als eens Christus uitwendig, inwendig moest ondergaan.


Portret van David Jorisz, Reinier Vinkeles naar Jacobus Buys, 1788,
ets (RKD IB02012039)

Hiertoe diende men alle lusten, vooral de seksuele te doden. De methode hiervoor leidde in Davidjoristische kringen tot een voor die tijd bedenkelijke seksuele moraal, waarin naaktloperij, het aan elkaar opbiechten van geheime seksuele verlangens en in sommige gevallen polygamie samengingen. Het overwonnen hebben van de zinnelijke prikkels moest men bewijzen door met een naakte vrouw te slapen. Zoals het meer gaat met proeven, mislukte ook deze wel eens. [...]
Joris probeerde fanatiek zijn ideeën op de dopers over te brengen en werd door velen als een nieuwe profeet gezien. Joris geraakte hiervan in zulk een staat van opwinding, dat hij zich ging beschouwen als de derde David, aan wie de oudtestamentische koning en Christus-David waren voorgegaan. Zijn succes was niet onaanzienlijk. Vooral in het noorden van de Nederlanden verwierf hij aanhang. [...]
David Joris was in de periode 1535-1540 een invloedrijke doperse leider in de Nederlanden en Noordwest-Duitsland. [...] [Joritz participated in the Anabaptist project to build the New Jerusalem in the city of Zwolle and in the valley of the river IJssel. His mother, in 1537, suffered martyrdom as an Anabaptist. Soon after her death, he took up a role of his own, having visions and the gift of prophecy. (His writings, all in Dutch, flowed in a continual stream from 1524 and amounted to over 200 in number.) (Kingsgarden)][(In contrast to these visions is his) rationalist approach to the topic of the devil and supernatural evil. David Joris anticipated the views of Thomas Hobbes, John Epps and John Thomas in interpreting the devil as an allegory. (Alchetron)]


Frans Floris, De famille van Berchem, ca 1561

Jakob Le Roy, Château de Schilde, ca 1670

Vanaf 1538 werd de vervolging tegen David Joris en zijn aanhangers, de Davidjoristen, heviger. Volgens Joris’ schoonzoon Blesdijk kostten deze vervolgingen aan zeker honderd mensen het leven. Ook de moeder van David Joris werd tijdens deze vervolgingen door de autoriteiten onthoofd.
Joris zelf wist te ontsnappen en vestigde zich omstreeks 1539 eerst in Antwerpen ["Hij kreeg onderdak van Cornelis van Lier in zijn kasteel Hof ten Broecke in Schilde. Jorisz. oefent ook invloed uit op diverse leden van de familie Van Berchem. In Schilde schrijft hij aan zijn 'Wonderboeck', dat op kosten van Cornelis van Lier (heer van Berchem) gedrukt wordt in Deventer door Dirk van de Borne. (Jan Lampo)] "The transitionary period between 1539 and 1544 during his time in Antwerp under the patronage of Anna van Etten [vrouw van Johan van Berchem, heer van Schilde] and her son-in-law, Cornelius van Lier, during which he developed the idea of a ‘spiritual language’ only to be understood by the enlightened, might well have created fertile ground for later Niclaesianism and Hiëlism in Antwerp." (A certain measure of perfection, dd. 28/12/2016)
en vervolgens in Oost-Friesland. Spreken in het openbaar was echter niet meer mogelijk en zo verloor hij zijn invloed in de Nederlanden. Toen in 1544 ook Oost-Friesland geen veilige woonplaats meer bood, besloot Joris naar Bazel te verhuizen. Daar leefde hij onder de schuilnaam Jan van Brugge een vorstelijk leven. Hij werd daartoe in staat gesteld door de genereuze giften van zijn trouwe aanhang. In 1556 stierf hij, betreurd door zijn vrouw, zijn elf kinderen en zijn vele vrienden.
Sommige aanhangers van Joris sloten zich aan bij andere stromingen of hadden dat al gedaan. Vele anderen bleven echter trouw aan hun profeet. Daardoor bleven de Davidjoristen een redelijk omvangrijke groep in de Nederlanden en in Oost-Friesland in de gehele zestiende eeuw." (Wikipedia, dd. 01/12/2016)
"Three years later, Nicolas Blesdijk, who had married his eldest daughter Jannecke, became inhibriated one night and denounced the dead man to the authorities of Basel. He claimed later to have lost confidence in Jorisz before his death, to save his own life. An investigation was begun in March 1559, calling for Nicolas's testimony and resulted in a conviction for heresy. The exhumed body of Jorisz was burned, together with his portrait, on the I3th of May 1559." (Kingsgarden, dd. 27/12/2016)


David Joris, portret door Van Sieghem

De Bijbel beschouwen als de enige autoriteit, beschouwde Joris als 'dode letter' geloof. Niks kon definitief beslecht worden in religieuze disputen louter door de Schrift; het was nodig om rond te zoeken naar de Zoon, aan Hem alleen werd alles geopenbaard. En volgens Joris kwam die uit de Nederlanden. Waar de anabaptisten in het algemeen vast hielden aan de Schrift als principe, verwierp Joris dat en stelde de mystieke ervaring centraal. "To the mystic Joris historical revelation was merely a matter of the sense; his religious experience lay outside it." (Kühn)


Menno Simonsz, gravure van Jan ii van de Velde. Kunstsammlungen Veste Coburg

"In 1542, the year he published his principal work ''tWonderboeck', the difference between Joris and Menno Simons [de leidinggevende anabaptistische kerkhervormer die zijn naam schonk aan de Mennonieten ofte doopsgezinden] burst into a violent dispute. Menno had already in his Fundamentboek (1539) warned against the false prophet. Joris then attacked Menno in a fiery letter: "Gird on your sword, Menno Simons, . . arm yourself with the most powerful Scriptural weapon! . . Who advises you, Menno, to appear so boldly before the Lord, that you elevate yourself above all? Do say, dear man, what spirit or witness advises you to teach? Who has sent you? . . . I will show you (however firmly you may think you have it) that you do not know it, nor do you know what is truth and wisdom, except after the letter." Violently Joris attempted to make Menno recognize his divine mission; but Menno rejected "imaginations, rhetorical tricks, and other deceptions of the devil" which Joris substituted for the Gospel; he said Joris was correctly taken for the "anti-Christ, the man of sin, the son of perdition, a false prophet, murderer of souls, deceiver and falsifier of the divine truth and the commands of Christ." It was evidence of devilish pride and anti-Christian foolishness, that Joris "elevates his visions and dreams above the wisdom of the Holy Spirit, who has taught the apostles and prophets."
Without doubt Menno hit the crux of Joris' fateful error when he said, "Under the pretext of humility he promotes devilish defiance and under the name of perfection, chastity, and other virtues he promotes various vices and shameful deeds." Menno refused to carry the dispute any further."(Gameo, dd. 01/12/2016)


Anna Jansz en route naar haar executie op January 24, 1538 (uit de Martelaersspiegel, Thieleman J. van Braght, 1660)

Naast de visioenen die hij had, werd hij ook geïnspireerd door het fanatisme van Anneken Jansz.(Gameo, dd. 01/12/2016)] "Though she appears in the Martyrs’ Mirror as a model feminine sufferer, the “Trumpet Song” she composed has in at least some versions a distinctly apocalyptic tone. One historian called it the Marseillaise of Anabaptist hymns:

'Wash your feet in the godless blood'

This is shocking imagery, but it’s also far from clear that it’s actually what Anna herself wrote — or if its surface interpretation is what the author intended to convey. Anabaptism’s fast-evolving strains published different versions of the “Trumpet Song” in the 16th century, whose slight alterations dramatically shade its meaning — especially so in view of the possible scriptural allusions. Here’s a version of the same line in which the verb wash (wascht) is replaced with watch, or mind (wacht), and it now advises the true Christian to leave punishment of the persecutors to God:

'You true Christians be of good cheer
Mind dipping your feet in blood
Because this is the reward which those who
robbed us will receive'

[...] her image filtered through the texts of interlocutors like the great Anabaptist fugitive David Joris, rumored to have been Anna’s onetime lover. Joris published the version of the “Trumpet Song” excerpted just above — the cautious one.
In the end, a fixed conclusion as to whether Anna was a firebrand later softened for public consumption, or the reverse, or a more nuanced character entirely, is beyond the reach of posterity. In any guise, she was an exponent of the call to spiritual purity and anticipation of the Lord that fortified a proscribed faith in its wilderness sojourn. [...]
of the “original” versions of Anna’s famous song, either in Dutch or in translation, 'Profiles of 'Anabaptist Women: Sixteenth-Century Reforming Pioneers [C. Arnold Snyder, 1996]' gives the last three of its 13 stanzas thus:

At Borsa and Edom, so the author has read / The Lord is preparing a feast / From the flesh of kings and princes. / Come all you birds, / Gather quickly / I will feed you the flesh of princes. / As they have done, so shall be done to them. / You servants of the Lord, be of good cheer. / Wash your feet in the blood of the godless. / This shall be the reward for those who robbed us. / Be pleased therefore, rejoice and be glad. / Play a new song on your harps; / Delight in our God / All you who foresee vengeance. / The Lord comes to pay / And to revenge all our blood. / His wrath is beginning to descend. / We are awaiting the last bowl. / Oh bride, go to meet your Lord and King. / Arise, Jerusalem, prepare yourself. / Receive all your children alike. / You shall spread out your tents. / Receive your crown, receive your kingdom. / Your King comes to deliver. / He brings his reward before him. / You shall rejoice in it. / We shall see his glory in these times. / Rejoice, Zion, with pure Jerusalem.'" (Executed Today, dd. 01/12/2016)


From an engraving by Christian Friedrich Fritzsch (1719–1774)

"In 1544 Joris left the Low Countries for Basel secretly after a violent dispute between the Jorists and John A Lasco (Jan Łaski) who was then superintendent of East Friesland’s established church. The persecution of his followers intensified. In Basel he was a voice for religious freedom, defending Servetus [zie Guus Kuijer, Het doden van een mens, over Castellio's reactie op de dood van Miguel Serveto, en o.a. ook over Joris ] and seemingly forging close links with both Castellion and Schwenckfeld – who may have influenced his theology during this period of his life. [...]


Engraving from Apocalypsis, or The revelation of certain notorious advancers of heresie. London, 1655.

In 1548, writing to Niclaes (the only evidence we have of contact between them) there were clearly worries about his leadership and some tensions with Niclaes. Niclaes may have gone from being a ‘threat to oneness’ in Joris’ Emden days to ‘a threat of fanaticism’ by Basel. Notably, the issue of sole divine inspiration was one that was to characterise Niclaesian Familism and was, later, to lead to the Hiëlist factional schism. [...]


embleem van de Family of Love / Huis der Liefde

The ‘Davidists’ (better, Jorists) were not formally expelled from East Frisia until 1544/45 and, up until that point, relations had been broadly tolerable. Niclaes seems to have arrived in 1541 and was accorded citizenship the following year. He probably formally founded his sect shortly after his arrival there and seemed to manage to live there for nearly two decades before his orthodoxy came under any serious question. It seems that he may have had the support of the influential Lord of Pewsum, Huycke Manninga and, perhaps, wider Manninga support generally – see A. Hamilton – ‘The Family of Love’ (Cambridge, 1981). The potential overlap between an embedded Jorist presence in Emden and the Family of Love’s foundation provides some fascinating possibilities – including the outside possibility that Niclaes’ true source of inspiration was actually gained on arrival in Emden." (A certain measure of perfection, dd. 28/12/2016)



Christoffel van Sichem (I), Portret van David Jorisz., naar Jan Cornelisz. van 't Woudt, 1677
gravure en ets, h 168mm × b 142mm (Rijksmuseum, RP-P-OB-15.618). Oorspronkelijk gemaakt
 voor:  'Historische beschrijvinge  ende affbeeldinge der voorneemste hooft ketteren', Amsterdam,
 C. van Sichem, 1608. Deze prent komt in deze staat voor in: C. van Sichem, 'Het tooneel der
hooft-ketteren, bestaande in verscheyde afbeeltsels...', Middelburg, Wilhelmus Goeree, 1677.

Portret van David Jorisz., aan een tafel, waarop een exemplaar van het door hem geschreven 'Wonderboeck' ligt. Hij laat zijn hand, waarin hij een anjer vasthoudt, rusten op het boek. In de andere hand heeft hij een handschoen. Boven zijn hoofd staat het jaartal 1554 en zijn leeftijd vermeld. (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, dd. 01/12/2016)

 Christoffel van Sichem (I), Portret van David Jorisz., naar Jan Cornelisz. van 't Woudt, 1606
gravure, ets en boekdruk, h 189mm × b 143mm (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, RP-P-1918-1735)

Onder het portret een drie-regelig onderschrift in het Latijn. Rondom de prent een Duitstalige levensbeschrijving in boekdruk.


Overige portretten van David Joris:

portret van David Joris, Romeyn de Hooghe (1645-1708)

David Joris, ets uit 'Apocalypsis, or The revelation of certain notorious advancers of heresie'.
London, 1655. (Gameo, Scan provided  by the Mennonite Archives of Ontario)


uit Leonhard Meister (1741-1811), Helvetiens Berühmte Männer in Bildnissen von Heinrich Pfenninger



Meer info over de Bazelse periode: altbasel


Overgeleverd artistiek werk van David Joris:

David Joris (attributed to), The Rising of Lazarus, pentekening, 219 mm diameter

David vermaant Joab en Abisai om Absalom te ontzien (2 Samuël 18:5), David Jorisz., 1554, tekening, 316 x 204 mm (coll. Graphische Sammlung Albertina, Vienna , inv./cat.nr 7800; cat. Benesch 1928, nr. 110, afb.)

Het voeden van de hongerigen, een van de werken van Barmhartigheid, David Jorisz., tekening, 250 x 141 mm (coll. Stiftung Weimarer Klassik und Kunstsammlungen, Weimar (Thüringen) , inv./cat.nr 144)

Christus overhandigt Petrus de sleutels (Mattheus 16:19), David Jorisz., tekening, 237 x 191 mm (coll. Detroit Institute of Arts, Detroit (Michigan) , inv./cat.nr 1934.97)

zondag 19 juni 2016

Bread of Dreams - Digest: '8. Night-time'

"The general mentality was imbued with magic, occult beliefs, unreal suggestions, 'voices' and 'rumours' (the untori (plague spreaders), for example), 'errors' and 'prejudices'. [...] Apparitions and strange noises foretold the deaths of great personages.

[An illustruous example of this is] the late sixteenth-century treatise by Loys Lavater of Zurich, De spectris, lemuribus et magnis atque insolitis fragoribus, varrisque praesagitationibus, quae plerumque obitum hominum, magnas clades, mutationesque imperiorum praecedunt, 1570.


Ludwig Lavater

[Ludwig Lavater (4 March 1527; Kyburg (castle) – 5 July 1586 in Zurich) was a Swiss Reformed theologian working in [...] Zurich. [He] was a prolific author, composing homilies, commentaries, a survey of the liturgical practices of the Zurich church, a history of the Lord's Supper controversy, as well as biographies of Bullinger and Konrad Pellikan. His work on ghosts (De spectris ...) was one of the most frequently printed demonological works of the early modern period, going into at least nineteen early modern editions in German, Latin, French, English and Italian. (Wikipedia, dd 07/06/2016)]


Ludwig Lavater of Zurich, De spectris, lemuribus et magnis atque insolitis fragoribus, varrisque praesagitationibus, quae plerumque obitum hominum, magnas clades, mutationesque imperiorum praecedunt, 1570
[free e-book]

frontispiece of the 1683-edition


"The Discours des spectres [...] by Le Loyer dates from 1586[the second edition of 1605 is the most complete:
The work is divided into eight books dealing with the marvelous visions and prodigies of several centuries and the most celebrated authors, sacred as well as profane, who have dealt with occult subjects. It discusses the cause of apparitions; the nature of good and evil spirits; demons; ecstasy ; the essence, nature, and origin of souls; magicians and sorcerers and the manner of their communication; evil spirits; and imposters.


(Gallica, dd. 07/06/2016)

The first book deals with specters, apparitions, and spirits; the second with the physics of Le Loyer's time, the illusions to which the senses are prone, wonders, and the elixirs and metamorphosis of sorceries and of philters; the third book establishes the degrees, grades, and honors of spirits, gives a résumé of the history of Philinnion and of Polycrites, and recounts diverse adventures with specters and demons; the fourth book gives many examples of spectral appearances, of the speech of persons possessed of demons, of the countries and dwelling-places of these specters and demons, and of marvelous portents; the fifth treats the science of the soul, of its origin, nature, its state after death, and of haunting ghosts; the sixth division is entirely taken up with the apparition of souls, and shows how the happy do not return to earth, but only those whose souls are burning in purgatory; in the seventh book the case of the Witch of Endor and the evocation of the soul of Samuel are dealt with, as is evocation in general and the methods practiced by wizards and sorcerers in this science; and the last book gives some account of exorcism, fumigations, prayers, and other methods of casting out devils, and the usual means employed by exorcists to destroy these. 
The work, though disputatious, throws considerable light upon the occult science of the times. Although often credulous, Le Loyer was most skeptical about alchemy, of which he wrote: "As to transmutation, I wonder how it can be reasonably defended. Metals can be adulterated but not change ... Blowing [the bellows], they may exhaust their purses, they multiply all into nothing. Yes, I do not believe, and may the philosophers excuse me if they wish, that the alchemists can change any metal into gold." (Wierus, dd. 07/06/2016)]

[Pierre Le Loyer, sieur de la Brosse, est un Démonologue né le 24 novembre 1550 à Huillé, village de l'Anjou, près de Durtal. Il décède à Angers le 27 janvier 1634 (Wikipedia, dd. 08/06/2016)]


"'Terrible noises', 'violent and repeated' and 'unusual' rumblings were said (and written) to have come from the sepulchre at Ferrara of the Blessed Beatrice d'Este II, born perhaps in the third decade of the thirteenth century, and who, with the passing of years, became devoted to the 'preservation of her most serene nobility'; diligent in predicting the events of the family and in warning of the calamities which struck her city. Private oracle for the family and public barometre, anticipator of calamitous history, the rumblings of 1709 and 1711 for the arrival of foreign armies was considered notable ... as for that of the famous inundation of all her lands, or for the death of the animals; or, finally for several famous fires which occurred in recent years. 
[Anonymous, Vita della Beata Beatrice seconda d'Este fondatrice dell'insigne monastero di S. Antonio in Frrara della regola di S. Benedetto (Ferrara: G. Rinaldi, 1777), p. 125. The book is a reprint, with several modifications and additions, of the Vita written by Girolamo Baruffaldi, noted archpriest of Cento, published at Venice in 1723.]
Occasionally the tombstone of the Beata was not content to produce the 'usual clamour' but 'as took place in 1504 and 1505, for some time its colour changed and it became red and everywhere exuded liquid in great abundance. ' [ibidem, p. 124]
In the Vita of this glorious saint of the house of Este (mentioned by Ludovico Ariosto), [...] the vocal messages of the Benedictine virgin are carefully selected and interpreted.


'She was wont to make this clamour heard in different ways, according to the gravity of the cases that were predicted by her. At times she is heard by all the nuns, other times by many, and sometimes by a few of the nuns whose rooms are close to the altar. Whoever happens to view the said altar when it is rumbling will see its stone move and tremble as if for an earthquake; and those who see or hear it feel no fear at all, but rather a sudden jubilation, accompanied by some wonder, and by this they understand it to have been the clamour produced by the Beata, and not something accidental or fortuitous which produces that tremor. If it were something else, like what is usually created suddenly, it would certainly frighten them all. Although it is not really known what event it is that she predicts with such crashing, none the less by the diversity of ways of beating (by means of the ancient practice and tradition of the nuns), it can usually be conjectured without mistake. If the misfortune is deadly for the Este family, or if some great death is about to take place in the city or convent, and especially if the blow is to strike some superior, the clamour is like an overturning of stones, in the way that a cart, hurrying along filled with them, overturns everything at the end of the run. If she then wants to announce some common gladness, whether to her family or to the convent, a sort of violent, rattling explosion of artillery is heard in the air throughout the entire convent. And finally, if the pre-announced accident is not of a death, just a roar and shaking is heard which causes the earth to tremble like a running cart, but in the end no other rumbling occurs similar to the overturning of stones. This appears on the most remarkable occasions. At times for long periods, and repeated often at times three or four days before, and only once; and finally, on some other occasions she makes herself heard on the day just preceding the event, now by day, now at night, but most often during the hours of matins, nones and compline.' [ibid., pp. 119-121]"



Veneto, Bartolomeo - Beata Beatrice II d'Este - 1510s


[Saint Beatrix d'Este (died 1262) [...] was betrothed to Galeazzo Manfredi of Vicenza, but he died of his wounds after a battle, just before the wedding day. His bride refused to return home, but attended by some of her maidens, devoted herself to the service of God, following the Benedictine rule, at the convent of Sant'Antonio in Polesine, at San Lazzaro just outside Ferrara. (Wikipedia, dd. 09/06/2016)]


Beata Beatrice d'Este (Panoramio, dd. 09/06/2016)
tomb ('Tomba originaria della Beata ora fonte dello stillicidio')
(Holywar, dd. 09/06/2016)
altar stone ('Stillicidio di acqua che scaturisce dalla pietra-altare')
(Holywar, dd. 09/06/2016)




"All it took was a ghost - a supposed masked apparition - to throw a city into confusion and fear. It could happen that the fear of a spirit, put in motion by another deeper anxiety, provoked a collective trauma - so immense was the power of the imaginary - not in some remote Apennine village, but in a ducal city of the plain: Modena. Not in the 'barbaric' centuries of the 'dark' Middle Ages, but in a [...] century, [...] on the path of the pre-Enlightenment."
(Camporesi 1996, '8. Night-time'', pp. 92-94)


"'Nightime' drew an impalpable but very clean line between Apollonian, virtuous, luminous and active time, and demonic time, which dwelt under the sign of the divinities of the night, disorder and the protector of thieves, Mercury. As Sabba Castiglione apprehensively warned in his Ricordi overo ammaestramenti of 1554:

'You will be on your guard when walking at night, if not out of extreme necessity, firstly against  scandals, inconveniences and dangers which lurk there continuously; then against the various and diverse infirmities which are often generated in human bodies by the night air... It is certain that going out at night without need is nothing other than disturbing nature's order. '




[Fra' Sabba da Castiglione was a man of Church, of letters and humanist, member of the order of the Knights Hospitaller (the Order of the Knights of Jerusalem (later called Knights of Malta)), his moral and intellectual testament are his “Ricordi” (Memories), a collection of didactic precepts addressed to his nephew and published in their final version in 1554 in Venice by Paolo Gerardo; this work had a great success, with twenty-five editions up to 1613, date after which it was never published again. (Borgo Durbecco, Wikipedia dd. 15/06/2016)]



The night realm belonged to ruffians, low-lifes and those in a bad way; to the dubious presences which the darkness covered in its deep, faceless anonymity; to ghosts, spirits of the dead returned among the living, incubi, goblins, and witches, who silently glided to suck the blood of children or, atop brooms and pitchforks, went to the witches' sabbath.

'Certain girls, slaves of Satan, seduced by the demon of illusions, believe in and are promised during the night hours to Diana, goddess of the pagans, or Venus, to ride among great numbers of women, and to perform various wicked deeds... to pull away children from their mothers' breast, to roast and devour them; to enter into houses by the chimneys or windows and disturb the inhabitants in various ways.' (Martino d'Arles, Tractatus de superstitionibus, contra maleficia seu sortilegia quae hodie vigent in orbe terrarum (Rome: Vincentium Luchinum, 1559), fol. 9r.)" (Camporesi 1996, '8. Night-time'', pp. 95-96)

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[Martinus de Arles y Andosilla (1451?–1521) was doctor of theology and canon in Pamplona and archdeacon of Aibar, author of a 'Tractatus de superstitionibus, contra maleficia seu sortilegia quae hodie vigent in orbe terrarum' (1515), a work on demonology in the context of the Early Modern witch-hunts. Martin believed witches (sorginak) to be particularly numerous among the population of Navarra, and the Basques of the Pyrenees in general. He recommends stern measures of an inquisition against this. His depiction of witchcraft is, however, based on sources predating the Malleus maleficarum, arguing against its simplistic depiction of witchcraft (falsa opinione [...] credentes cum Diana vel Herodia nocturnis horis equitare, vel se in alias creaturas transformare). The work was printed in Paris in 1517, and in Rome in 1559 (142 sextodecimo pages).
The work was not widely received and is now very difficult to find. Nicolas Rémy in his 1595 Demonolatry writes: "I am aware that Peter of Palude and Martin of Arles have said that when demons go about this work, they, as it were, milk the semen from the bodies of dead men; but this is as ridiculous as the proverbial dead donkey's fart." (trans. Ashwin 1929) (Wikipedia, dd. 15/06/2016)]

"The peasants, who saw in the dark like cats, loped along silently, feeling the articulations, divisions and fragments of the nocturnal hours almost physically, measuring them by the stars with an awareness so precise as to appear astonishing today.
After sunset they wandered along footpaths shadowed by the night, living almost a second life, finally free of every control: hunting with a reflecting lantern [...], of the kind used in night fishing. The anonymous author of the De natura rusticorum [15th C] speaks of them in terms of nocturnal animals, children of the devil, 'cursed dragons', mobile like birds in their movements.
'Vagabundi sunt ut oves' ['They are vagabonds like the birds'], stirring in the shadows and softly breathing, with their cloaks hovering like owls: 'Nocte vadunt ut bubones' ['At night they make their way like owls'].
They went to secret enclosures in order to abandon themselves to forbidden games and dances. 'They are to be found at licentious threshings and prohibited games,' anathematized the members of the curia, obsessed by that ghost of the agrarian orgy, the demonic sabbath (the 'licentious threshings'), and its lunar variant, entrusted to the authority of the Lady of the Night."

"The night, experienced as a time of anguish, was held in sharp contrast to the solar day: a kind of day à l'envers. It was a criminal time that filled every statute, and which jurisprudence (medieval as well as seventeenth century) took into consideration in order to stiffen the punishments for certain crimes perpetrated after sunset. 'It is not by chance that medieval legislation punished crimes committed at night with an extraordinary force.' [J. Le Goff, quoted in J.-L. Goglin, Les misérables dans l'Occident médiéval (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1976), p. 204)] For nocturnal stercoratio ('defecating') on walls and doors the 1567 statutes of Ferrara provided severe punishments."
(Camporesi 1996, '8. Night-time'', p. 98)



Cicogna, Strozzi. Del palagio de gl’incanti,
& delle gran meraviglie de gli spiriti, &
 di tutta la natura loro.
Diviso in libri
XXXXV. & in III. prospettive.
Spirituale, celeste, et elementare.
Vicenza, Roberto Miglietti, 1605,
Strozzi Cicogna





[In 1605 Strozzi Cicogna published Palagio degli Incanti, a Thomistic treatise. In this work, the author affirms that to "defeat" demons we should look for their past, be it angelic or demonic. It is an attempt to reconstruct the demons' biography in order to find out its connections with human beings. (Project Muse, dd. 17/06/2016)(zie ook Armando Maggi. In the Company of Demons: Unnatural Beings, Love, and Identity in the Italian Renaissance. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006)]


"Terrifying apparitions, ghosts, goblins, spells and collective hallucinations spread by uncontrollable rumours, disturbed the nights (difficult and uneasy like the days) of 'modern' age men: un-sought-after supplements of shivers and frights that were added to the terror of plague, hunger and war ('a bello, peste e fame libera nos Domine'; 'from war, plague and hunger deliver us O Lord'). The spirits of evil were the masters of the elements: arbiters of the meteorological and climatic mysteries. The subterranean goblins conspired to increase human anguish with earthquakes. Demons, spectres and angels roamed about the streets of the city in the heart of darkness:
'All the people,' recounted Strozzi Cicogna, 'saw every night with their own eyes one of these spectres who wandered about the city at midnight with an angel.' [Cicogna, Strozzi. Del palagio de gl’incanti, & delle gran meraviglie de gli spiriti, & di tutta la natura loro. Diviso in libri XXXXV. & in III. prospettive. Spirituale, celeste, et elementare. Vicenza, Roberto Miglietti, 1605, p. 275]

The angels who brandished swords were threathening signals of imminent calamities. Several of Pompeo Viz[z]ani's [1540-1607] pages offer a not exhaustive yet strongly indicative sampling of the natural scourges and imaginary fears that tormented the existence of other times. A page of the Bolognese chronicle relating to 1504 told how:

'already a great living famine had begun... where cries and laments were heard everywhere. Furthermore, the citizens were sorrowful because they oftentimes saw several fearful signs, which indicated impending ruin: since there blew strong and violent winds which destroyed many houses and uprooted quite a few trees; and from the sky descended water and storm in such quantity and accompanied by so much lightning, thunder and flashing that everyone was left dumbfounded. Still another amazing thing appeared in the so-called 'Sala' fields twelve miles from Bologna: at midday in those fields several shadows were seen from afar which, caused by meteorological impressions, seemed to be eighteen or twenty men dressed in white, red and black, and they seemed to be fighting among themselves. And when anyone approached to try and see them at close range, they saw nothing at all; and to those who remained far away it seemed as if those who had approached were conversing with the ghosts, which appeared for a good many days, during which time many curious citizens went to see them. It was during this time that certain Observant Friars, who lived in the monastery of Saint Paul of the Observance, located in the Apennines two miles from the city, related that they had seen an Angel, who, situated above Bologna, threatened the people with his unsheathed sword in hand. While the citizens were full of bewilderment because of these things, Giovanni Bentivogli was waiting to celebrate.
During this year in the month of December it seemed as if sweet spring wanted to appear, since the weather was so pleasing and the air so mild that the trees began to bloom and send forth their flowerlets, and everywhere was seen roses, lilies, violets and other flowers and many fruits that usually appear at the beginning of spring. But prudent men did not have a very good opinion of this; in fact, they doubted whether this unusual novelty did not threaten some great ruin. Nor were they exactly misled in their thinking, because on the last day of that year the earth began to tremble during the night, and that trembling lasted for around a quarter of an hour, causing much damage and ruin to the houses throughout the whole city, where the citizens were very much afraid. And so with everyone frightened of the coming of the year 1505 and the earthquake often becoming stronger, it lasted for forty days, so that every hour there were seen new ruins and ravages of churches, towers, palaces and finally, of almost all the citizens' houses, who, in attempting to escape death... lived outside the houses, in gardens and other uncovered places, under awnings and canopies, and many even in wine barrels...
At the same time the living famine continued to grow in such a way that many poor men died of hunger, not being able to find nourishment for themselves. And when some bakery occasionally made bread to sell, the magistrates had to supply an armed guard for its defence, otherwise it was put to the sack by the famished populace. Even the peasants, who suffered the same hunger, were forced to eat the roots of herbs, and other less nourishing things... With the oats beginning to ripen in the month of Junethe famine began to let up little by little; and finally, because of the very good harvest, there was an abundance of everything.
But, since the plague had been discovered in many cities of Italy, and in the end in Bologna as well, the citizens could not live without much difficulty, because of this as well as another disease called the hammer sickness... Of this disease died not only a very large number of commoners but sixteen doctors as well, all of them important. [P. Viz[z]ani, Diece libri delle historie della sua patria (Bologna, 1596) (ch. 7, n. 6), pp. 452-5. For the 'symptoms of collective anguish', cf. B. Farolfi, Strutture agrarie e crisi cittadina nel primo Cinquecento bolognese (Bologna: Patron, 1977), pp. 41 ff. For 'signs' and prophetic omens, cf. O. Niccoli, 'Profezie in piazza. Note sul profetismo popolare nell'Ialia del primo Cinquecento', Quaderni Storici, 14 (1979),: Religioni delle classi popolari, ed. C. Ginzburg, pp. 300-39.)]

Murderous wolves in winter, and in summer swarms of mosquitoes, flies and fleas (spreaders of the plague) tormented the poveri homini of the Apennine villages like those in Friuli. At least until the eighteenth century the image of the wolf as slaughterer of children and assassin of men (other than of sheep) was a fairly common nightmare everywhere. Numerous Friulian preenti ('spells') survive in Inquisitorial trials begun against those who searched for a magical defence against those beasts and, in general, against the hostile forces of incomprehensible nature. The plague was continually lying in wait, along with cholera and intestinal fevers. Medicine and magical practices (hellebore root cut and applied to the extremity of the limbs) confusedly attempted to keep away the diseases of unknown aetiology. One of the pages written by Dr Spinelli in 1598 offers a striking picture of the merciless harshness of living.

'At Cividale del Friuli wolves had killed abandoned animals, children and men during the winter; in summer, with the heat and dryness at their worst, along with many apricots, there were gnats,
fleas and many flies, and recurring fevers with rashes grew strong and continuous, as well as diarrhoea and cholera which were soon treated with minor cutting of a vein [blood-letting] or purgation. With summer and the real heat increasing, burning fevers, rashes, worms, diarrhoea and vomiting raged, although veins were repaired surgically. Children marked by rashes and spots, despite having bad symptoms, were almost all saved. At the beginning of autumn the plague appeared, with its agonizing and putrid fever, accompanied by worms and abundant diarrhoea. Those whose pulses were strong at the beginning suffered from watery urine and most severe headaches: looking like owls, their pains were always assuaged in cavernous gloom. Hellebore root [zie onder] had to be cut and fixed to certain peoples' extremities before the flesh benefited. Suffering from urine on the third day, as from most disorders, on the fourth day one finally died, pulse indistinct and weak: neither bezoar [zie Bread of Dreams - Digest: '5. 'They Rotted in Their Own Dung'']  nor Armenian stone [zie onder] was of any use. This plague was milder at the beginning; the meaner and viler of the oppressed were afflicted. [quoted in Moreali, Della febbri maligne e contagiose [ca. 1746] (ch. 3, n. 30), p. 117.)]'


19th century illustration of Helleborus niger
"In the early days of medicine, two kinds of hellebore [nieskruid] were recognized: black hellebore, which included various species of Helleborus, and white hellebore, now known as Veratrum album, which belongs to a different plant family, the Melanthiaceae. Although the latter plant is highly toxic, containing veratrine and the teratogens cyclopamine and jervine, it is believed to be the "hellebore" used by Hippocrates as a purgative.
"Black hellebore" was used by the ancients in paralysis, gout and other diseases, more particularly in insanity. "Black hellebore" is also toxic, causing tinnitus, vertigo, stupor, thirst, a feeling of suffocation, swelling of the tongue and throat, emesis (vomiting), catharsis, bradycardia (slowing of the heart rate), and finally, collapse and death from cardiac arrest. Although Helleborus niger (black hellebore) contains protoanemonin, or ranunculin, which has an acrid taste and can cause burning of the eyes, mouth, and throat, oral ulceration, gastroenteritis, and hematemesis, research in the 1970s showed that the roots of H. niger do not contain the cardiotoxic compounds helleborin, hellebrin, and helleborein that are responsible for the lethal reputation of "black hellebore". It seems that earlier studies may have used a commercial preparation containing a mixture of material from other species such as Helleborus viridis, green hellebore." (Wikipedia, dd. 19/06/2016)

"De Helleborus soorten zijn vaste winter- of lentebloeiende planten met vlezige wortels, soms rizomen (Helleborus vesicarius). De oudere wortels zijn dikwijls donkerder, zelfs zwart. (...) De naam nieskruid danken de planten aan de medicinale toepassing. De gedroogde en tot poeder vermalen wortels zorgen bij opsnuiven ervan dat er flink geniesd moet worden. De wortel is zeer giftig door het aanwezige helleborine, dat een diglycoside is en bitter smaakt. Verdere aanwezige gifstoffen zijn saponine en protoanemonine.
Door de Grieken werd het wortelpoeder gebruikt bij krankzinnigheid en aanvallen van epilepsie. Laxeermiddelen bevatten nog wel eens bestanddelen van de wortel van het nieskruid. Alexander de Grote (356 v.Chr. tot 323 v.Chr.) is mogelijk overleden aan een overdosis Nieskruid. Zekerheid is er niet, maar men speculeert al eeuwen over zijn eventuele overmatig gebruik van nieskruid." (Wikipedia, dd. 19/06/2016)]



"Lapis armenus, also known as Armenian stone or lapis stellatus, in natural history, is a variety of precious stone, resembling lapis lazuli, except that it is softer, and instead of veins of pyrite, is intermixed with green. "The Armenian stone" is so nearly identical to lapis lazuli that it has often not been distinguished from it;[...] British History Online defines lapis armenus as "Armenian stone, or azurite, a naturally occurring basic COPPER carbonate, originally from Armenia, but later from Germany, from which BLUE BICE was prepared. It was often found in association with another copper carbonate, malachite from which GREEN BICE was prepared (...) [Jo Kirby of the National Gallery London notes the occurrence of the pigment bice in three grades in an account of Tudor painting at Greenwich Palace in 1527. In this case, the three grades indicate the use of the mineral azurite rather than a manufactured blue copper carbonate. Similarly, green bice in other 16th century-records may sometimes have been the mineral malachite. Ian Bristow, a historian of paint, concluded that the pigment blue bice found in records of British interior-decoration until the first half of the 17th century was azurite. The expensive natural mineral azurite was superseded by manufactured blue verditer (Wikipedia, dd. 19/06/2016)] 
Herman Boerhaave believed it rather to rank among semi-metals, and supposed it was composed of both metal and earth. He added that it only differs from lazuli in degree of maturity, and that both of them seem to contain arsenic.
The Encyclopedia Perthensis of 1816 notes that Armenian stone "was anciently brought of Armenia"  [...]  It has been found in Tirol, Hungary, and Transylvania, and used [...both in mosaic work, to make the blue color azure, and as a treatment of melancholia. (Wikipedia, dd. 19/06/2016)"


'Bracketed between the brief and rare moments of anxious and astonished tranquility, as soon as one scourge let up or disappeared, another still more terrifying punctually made its appearance, in a perverse alternation of illusory mirages of calm followed by pitiless gusts of horrible calamities. The demonically wicked direction of human events added the extra of an almost permanent social marasmus to the tangled situation. To the 'brawls, disputes, [and] killings' in the cities corresponded exactly the 'continuous killings, burning down of houses, rapes, thefts and thousand other sorts of despoiling' in the countryside, tormented by the bloody struggles and feuds of peasant gangs and clans: by 'evil killers', 'ruffians', and by 'cutthroats, by thieves and by bandits'. [Viz[z]ani, I due ultimi libri delle historie della sua patria, (ch. 7, n. 2), pp. 81-2]
The douceur de vivre of the ancien regime was a myth enjoyed solely by a few privileged aristocrats, [...] or by the scerni del villaggio ('village idiots'), luckily graced with the sad privilege of insanity, the only one available to the wretched poor.'"
(Camporesi 1996, '8. Night-time'', pp. 99-102)